feminism is marxism
The personal is political. http://scholar.alexanderstreet.com... The paper, "The Personal
Is Political," was originally published in Notes from the Second Year: Women's Liberation
in 1970 and was widely reprinted and passed around the Movement and beyond in the
next several years. I didn't know just how much it had gotten around until I did a
Goggle search and found it being discussed in many different languages. I'd like to
clarify for the record that I did not give the paper its title, "The Personal Is Political."
As far as I know, that was done by Notes from the Second Year editors Shulie Firestone
and Anne Koedt after Kathie Sarachild brought it to their attention as a possible
paper to be printed in that early collection. Also, "political" was used here in the
broard sense of the word as having to do with power relationships, not the narrow
sense of electorial politics. The paper actually began as a memo that I wrote in February
of 1969 while in Gainesville, Florida. It was sent to the women's caucus of the Southern
Conference Educational Fund (SCEF) a group for whom I was a subsistence-paid organizer
doing exploratory work for establishing a women's liberation project in the South.
The memo was originally titled, "Some Thoughts in Response to Dottie's Thoughts on
a Women's Liberation Movement," and was written in reply to a memo by another staff
member, Dottie Zellner, who contended that consciousness-raising was just therapy
and questioned whether the new independent WLM was really "political." This was not
an unusual reaction to radical feminist ideas in early 1969. WLM groups had been springing
up all over the country -- and the world. The radical movements of Civil Rights, Anti-Vietnam
War, and Old and New Left groups from which many of us sprang were male dominated
and very nervous about women's liberation in general, but especially the spectre of
the mushrooming independent women's liberation movement, of which I was a staunch
advocate. Arriving in New York City after ten months in the Mississippi Civil Rights
Movement, I had found SCEF to be one of the more mature and better progressive groups
around. It had a good record of racial, economic and political justice work since New Deal
days, and I joined its staff in 1966 as its New York office manager. SCEF allowed New York Radical Women to meet in its New York office, where I worked,
and at my request agreed to explore setting up a women's liberation project in the
South. However, many on the SCEF staff, both men and women, ended up joining the criticism
of women getting together in consciousness-raising groups to discuss their own oppression
as "naval-gazing" and "personal therapy" -- and certainly "not political." They could
sometimes admit that women were oppressed (but only by "the system") and said that
we should have equal pay for equal work, and some other "rights." But they belittled
us no end for trying to bring our so-called "personal problems" into the public arena
- especially "all those body issues" like sex, appearance, and abortion. Our demands
that men share the housework and childcare were likewise deemed a personal problem
between a woman and her individual man. The opposition claimed if women would just
"stand up for themselves" and take more responsibility for their own lives, they wouldn't
need to have an independent movement for women's liberation. What personal initiative
wouldn't solve, they said, "the revolution" would take care of if we would just shut
up and do our part. Heaven forbid that we should point out that men benefit from oppressing
women. Recognizing the need to fight male supremacy as a movement instead of blaming
the individual woman for her oppression was where the Pro-Woman Line came in. It challenged
the old anti-woman line that used spiritual, psychological, metaphysical, and pseudo-historical
explanations for women's oppression with a real, materialist analysis for why women
do what we do. (By materialist, I mean in the Marxist materialist (based in reality)
sense, not in the "desire for consumer goods" sense.) Taking the position that "women
are messed over, not messed up" took the focus off individual struggle and put it
on group or class struggle, exposing the necessity for an independent WLM to deal
with male supremacy. The Pro-Woman Line also helped challenge the "sex role theory"
of women's oppression that said women act as we do because "that's how we were taught"
by "society." (We all can think of things we were taught to think or do that we rejected
once the forces that kept us thinking or doing them were removed.) It was consciousness-raising
that led to the emergence of the Pro-Woman Line with its scientific explanation based
on an analysis of our own experiences and an examination of "who benefits" from women's
oppression. Understanding that our oppressive situations were not our own fault --
were not, in the parlance of the time, "all in our head" -- gave us a lot more courage
as well as a more solid, real foundation on which to fight for liberation. "The Personal
is Political" paper and the theory it contains, was my response in the heat of the
battle to the attacks on us by SCEF and the rest of the radical movement. I think
it's important to realize that the paper came out of struggle -- not just my struggle
in SCEF but the struggle of the independent WLM against those who were trying to either
stop it or to push it into directions they found less threatening. It's also important
to realize the theory the paper contains did not come solely out of my individual
brain. It came out of a movement (the Women's Liberation Movement) and a specific
group within that movement (New York Radical Women) and a specific group of women
within New York Radical Women, sometimes referred to as the Pro-Woman Line faction.
Of course there were women within New York Radical Women and the broader feminist
movement who argued from the beginning against consciousness raising and claimed women
were brainwashed and complicit in their own oppression, an argument rooted in the
sociological and psychological rather than the political. They, too, helped in the
formulation of Pro-Woman Line theory. By arguing the then "standard wisdom" against
us, they forced us to clarify and hone and develop and refine and articulate the new
theory so that it could be spread more widely. After New York Radical Women meetings,
the Pro-Woman Line faction would usually end up at Miteras, a nearby restaurant that
served fantastic apple pie a la mode. There we would discuss how the meeting had gone
and the ideas that had been talked about until two or three in the morning, both agreeing
with and challenging each other in wonderful, lively debate among ourselves. In September
of 1968 -- six months before "The Personal Is Political" was written, the Miss America
Protest brought home to many why the Pro-Woman Line theory we were developing was
so important when it came to taking action outside the group. In another paper entitled
"A Critique of the Miss America Protest" I wrote about how the anti-women faction
of the protesters detracted from our message that ALL women are oppressed by beauty
standards, even the contestants. Signs like "Up Against the Wall, Miss America" and
"Miss America Is a Big Falsie" made these contestants out to be our enemy instead
of the men and bosses who imposed false beauty standards on women. Political struggle or debate is the key to good political theory. A theory is just a bunch of words -- sometimes interesting to think about, but just
words, nevertheless---until it is tested in real life. Many a theory has delivered
surprises, both positive and negative, when an attempt has been made to put it into
practice. While trying to think how I would change "The Personal Is Political" paper
if I could rewrite it with today's hindsight, I was actually surprised how well it
s